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THIS MORNING, THE fifth and final report from the Mahon Tribunal – which started life as the Flood Tribunal – has been published in full.
Ironically, on this exact day last year, the final report of the Moriarty Tribunal of Inquiry into Payments to Politicians was published.
The Mahon Tribunal was an inquiry into planning and payments to various parties.
We are running a liveblog today on TheJournal.ie which you can see here, as well as detailed analysis into the findings of the Judge Alan Mahon on matters including those relating to alleged payments to former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern.
THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE MAHON TRIBUNAL
In its conclusion, the Mahon Tribunal final report has strong words on the damage corruption – particularly political corruption – does to society, democracy and public trust:
In a bid to combat corruption in public life, the Mahon Tribunal’s final recommendations include:
PLANNING:
The Mahon Tribunal recommends that both of those instruments be placed on a statutory footing.
It is consequently recommending that those authorities be directly elected.
The Tribunal is recommending that, in future, those Members should be appointed by an appointed by an Independent Appointments Board.
…both submissions received in the course of that process and the Manager’s Report dealing with those submissions be available on the internet.
…the power of the elected members to direct the Manager to grant planning permission in a specific case should be subject to increased restrictions.
This would include those members of local authorities who direct the Manager to grant planning permission against the advice of the professional planners, should have to explain their reasons for doing so.
CONFLICTS OF INTEREST/DISCLOSURE:
Conflicts of interest are a root cause of corruption. A conflict of interest arises where an elected or appointed public official has a private interest which is likely to be affected by the exercise of his or her public powers.
Mahon is unequivocal – conflicts of interest have been at the heart of several of the cases Mahon has had to probe and they need to be stamped out.
Conflicts of interest are monitored at the moment by the Standards in Public Office Commission (SIPO), the Oireachtas Select Committess on Members Interests (at national level) and by local authorities (at regional level). The Tribunal is “concerned that the existing conflicts of interests measures DO NOT SUFFICIENTLY IDENTIFY OR OTHERWISE REGULATE certain types of conflicts of interests”. (our caps)
As a result, Mahon has a number of recommendations for ensuring full disclosure of all interests that might give rise to a conflict of interests:
CONFLICTS OF INTEREST/REGULATION:
The Tribunal is recommending that public officials be prohibited from accepting any gift in excess of a stipulated amount where that gift could be connected with their public office.
CONFLICTS OF INTEREST/ENFORCEMENT:
The Tribunal believes that enforcing conflict of interests measures is too self-regulatory – this is where the aforementioned increased role of SIPO will come in.
The punishment for those who have been found to have breached conflict of interest regulation? In some cases, concludes the Tribunal, it should be a CRIMINAL OFFENCE:
POLITICAL DONATIONS/EXPENDITURE:
“Bribes may be made in the guise of political donations” reads the Tribunal’s final report. To halt corruption in this way, the Tribunal recommends:
Consequently, the Tribunal is recommending that an overall limit be placed on the amount which an individual may give to a political party, electoral candidates.
On political expenditure, the Tribunal recommends:
To facilitate better transparency in political monies, it is recommended that:
As well as the current threat of criminal conviction for a breach of certain political finance measures, the Tribunal said that there should be a sliding scale made available which allows for fines and other sanctions for more minor offences. To those who try to ‘get round’ the measures, it had this to say:
The Tribunal is also concerned that political actors may be able to find loopholes in the political finance acts which enable them to act within the letter of the law while undermining its spirit. It is consequently recommending the introduction of a new provision sanctioning those who deliberately circumvent the requirements set down in the political finance acts.
LOBBYING:
BRIBERY:
While the Tribunal recognises that bribery laws are “relatively robust”, the role of intermediaries needs to be looked at further.
The first of these criminalises the making of payments to a third party in instances where the payer (‘P’) knows or is reckless as to whether that party uses that payment as a bribe to further P’s interests.The second criminalises a lack of supervision or control on the part of a commercial entity which faciltiates the commission of bribery to the benefit of that entity by one of its employees or other business associates.
CORRUPTION IN OFFICE:
“Not all corruption is in the form of bribery,” says the Mahon Tribunal’s final report.
It wants anti-corruption legislation to cover the misuse of confidential information by a public official for their own benefit or for the benefit of another. It also wants it to cover the following:
Specifically, it is doubtful whether it covers instances where a public official fails or omits to perform his or her public functions in order to further private interests.
MONEY LAUNDERING:
ASSET CONFISCATION:
The Tribunal lauds the work of the Criminal Assets Bureau in recovering assets which are found to have come from corrupt transactions.
However, the Tribunal is also of the view that there would be some merit in having a single conviction based asset recovery regime, rather than three separate regimes (for drug trafficking, terrorist financing, and for other indictable offences) as is currently the case.
OTHER RECOMMENDATIONS:
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