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Dublin: 9 °C Wednesday 22 May, 2013

Column: We must stop claiming that ‘we never knew’ about child abuse

It’s a common refrain that widespread abuse was only exposed in recent decades – but the real story is very different, writes Fin Dwyer.

Fin Dwyer

OVER THE PAST two decades the issue of child abuse has dominated the Irish political agenda. Harrowing as the various reports have been Irish society has yet to deal with one of the most challenging and complex aspects of the abuse; how much did wider society in Ireland know?

A frequent response to this question has been that the vast majority of people never knew about child abuse until the 1990s. This does not hold up to scrutiny. Historians such as Diarmaid Ferriter have have pointed out that evidence in newspapers, court reports and government files indicate many people on all levels of society had varying degrees of knowledge of the abuse of children.

As early as 1931 the Cumann na nGaedheal government had conclusive evidence of widespread child abuse in Irish society when they received ‘The Carrigan Report’, findings of a committee that examined ‘Criminal Law Amendment Acts and Juvenile Prostitution’.

The then Garda commissioner Eoin O’Duffy had testified to the committee that there had been over four hundred reported cases of abuse of girls under the age of 18 between 1924 and 1929 including an “alarming… number of cases of interference with girls under 16 and with children under 11 years of age”. O Duffy estimated that these reflected at most 15 per cent of the actual crimes being committed.

Tarnished image

In what became an all too frequent response in Ireland those in authority were unwilling to act when presented with the findings of the Carrigan Report. Ireland’s nationalist leaders had long argued that the country’s ills had been caused by the British presence on the island. The publishing of such a report after nearly a decade of Independence would directly contradict this. It would also tarnish Ireland’s image as a Catholic country.

Many also struggled to believe the testimony of children, something that the reporting of child abuse was dependent on.

In this context the report was treated with hostility. The Department of Justice memo on the report in 1931 called it ‘practically without value’. Through 1932, two successive government cabinets, a secret Dáil committee representing all parties and the Standing Committee Of Irish Bishops viewed the report. Disturbingly the report was suppressed and none of these people who had seen its shocking details raised the disturbing findings in public.

All agreed that the best way to deal with the report was through as little public debate as possible on issues surrounding sexual immorality. Perhaps most worryingly they even failed to call for further examination into O’Duffy’s statistics or further monitoring of abuse cases.

Black and blue

Despite the Carrigan Report’s suppression, evidence of the abuse of children surfaced in public from time to time. Between 1924 and 1960 Irish circuit courts heard 1,500 cases regarding sexual offences of which 81 per cent were regarding victims seventeen or younger. As well as the discussion these cases must have provoked in local communities, many were also reported in the press. Even though the term paedophilia would not be commonly used until the 1990s, references to terms such as ‘indecent assault against a young girl’ left the reader with a fairly clear idea of the nature, if not the detail, of the crime.

While the Carrigan Report and court prosecutions dealt with abuse in wider society, abuse in church run institutions was not completely unknown either. For example in 1935, 15-year-old John Byrne was killed in Artane Industrial School. He had been beaten by a teacher which was reported in The Irish Times. Although the coroner reported that the boy had died of disease, the Communist Party newspaper The Workers Voice interviewed the boy’s father who said his son’s body “was black and blue”. The Communist Party called for a public inquiry as early as May, 1935.

Mary Raftery and Eoin O Sullivan have pointed that knowledge of the regimes of abuse in Irish industrial schools was also held in communities adjacent to these institutions. Communities close to the Christian Brothers School in Salthill, Co Galway frequently heard the screams of children at night as did those living beside a similar institution in Daingean, Co Offaly.

In the summer of 1946 the issue of institutional abuse was widely debated in the Irish papers when Fr Edward Flanagan, a native of Roscommon and well known US priest visited Ireland. He had earned widespread fame through his progressive institution Boystown which was the subject of a 1938 Oscar winning film. As he travelled across Ireland Flanagan was critical of the regime of physical abuse he witnessed in some of Ireland’s institutions.

Disgrace

He directly attacked youth prisons in public saying “your institutions are not all noble, particularly your borstals which are a disgrace.” When addressing a crowd at a public meeting in Cork he encouraged people to help children “by keeping your children away from these institutions”.

When Flanagan returned to the US his criticism was reported in the American press and a prolonged debate on the issue continued in Ireland through the late summer and autumn of 1946. Nothing was done as the government denied the charges. Similar criticism was widely reported in 1963 when eight girls who had escaped an institution in Bundoran had their heads shaved when they were caught and returned to the institution run by the Sisters of St. Louis. The story was covered in the British newspaper The People under the headline “Orphanage horror”.

Rather than provoke protest, the phrase ‘Bundoran haircut’ entered popular parlance in the north-west to threaten misbehaving children – reflecting the uncaring attitudes pervasive in Irish society toward children in these institutions, who were for the main working class children and the children of single mothers. For those concerned taking action against abuse was not easy. When people did complain they were ignored by politicians and department officials who time and again believed the church who denied allegations.

As a society, Ireland needs to address this fact that many knew of the abuse of children, and ask why they did not or could not act. This will involve looking at the historic role of the Catholic Church in shaping ideas around morality and sex which made discussion of sexual abuse very difficult. Likewise we must look at the role played by the highly authoritarian and conservative governments of the state who were more concerned about the country’s image than children suffering abuse.

Fin Dwyer is a historian, blogger and archaeologist. Find out more at IrishHistoryPodcast.ie, or on Facebook.

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Comments (53 Comments)

  • And people wonder why the State has had to pay the compensation claims? This has going on for years with the knowledge of many public servants, media and members of society (and only last week there was a report on failings in St Patricks institute ).

    Reply
    • The recent Jimmy Savile revelations have highlighted as you said Conor that child abuse has been taking place with the knowledge of public servants and the Media- and members of society.

      The sad thing for me is that people suffered greatly and are still suffering in our society and there are times when we lose sight that child abuse takes place most frequently in the family home.

      It could be easy for people to blame the Church/Media/Prision Officers etc but I hope that the Children’s Referendum will give a voice to children in Ireland for the first time.

      Reply
    • Aleo 28/10/12 #

      And note the comments that followed this site’s detailing of the failings at St Patrick’s Institution. Many demonstrated that the ‘Bundoran haircut’ attitude is alive and well when it comes to children and young people we don’t like to think of as part of Irish society.

      Reply
    • Does anyone know what’s going on in the secret in camera family courts, I ask? Could be as bad as what the article is highlighting.

      Reply
    • But ‘the state’ Conor is the taxpayer, not the political, judicial, religious perpetrators, or their collaborators in the gardai and silent media.

      Michael Woods stitched no FF fund for the E1bn compo, all he did was let the church/cult slip the net.

      Reply
    • It’s not just St.Patrick’s Institution that’s the problem. Great expose of the State as a substitute parent for children from broken family backgrounds in today’s Sunday Independent:

      “Gardai issue verbal cautions to around 10,000 juveniles each year and, for half of these, that is generally the end of it. For the rest, they are taken into what is known as the Garda Youth Diversion Projects, which means they are subjected to a certain amount of scrutiny — if their behaviour worsens, they come before the courts; and the worst are headed for detention, albeit for only brief periods. The number who become part of the Garda Youth Diversion Projects has risen 23 per cent in the last four years and is now up to between 5,000 and 6,000 teenagers a year.

      The bulk of these teenagers are from broken family backgrounds and about 4,500 at present are ending up in the care of the HSE, which has to find them temporary accommodation, usually in B&Bs. In such places, gardai say, the promised monitoring does not take place and youths are at risk of drugs and crime.”

      http://www.independent.ie/national-news/teenage-hitmen-known-to-gardai-from-childhood-3276741.html

      Absolutely nothing has changed in Ireland since the days of the industrial schools. The HSE is a joke.

      Reply
  • DISGRACFUL,VILE AND MANY MORE WORDS, yes church , govm, to blame but let us not forget the parents that some of these children were able to go to and tell, and then were ignored . how many in normal society knew this was going on, but as long as not to them and their children it didnt matter. ireland and people hang your head in shame. hopefully today if abuse is seen or known whereever it is punished. but i doubt it. only acase i read recently a 37 yr old man found with child porn . got an 18 month suspended sentence. disgusting. minumum sentance for possession of child porn should be 10 yrs minumum. then upwards for any sexual crime to children.

    Reply
  • Malevolence towards the poor and the children of the poor was ever at the heart of the Irish Catholic Church. No one cared tuppence what befell pauper’s children – certainly not McQuaid or DeValera. We still dont! There were many other targets for the malevolent princes of the Irish Catholic Church at that time as well. One Catholic woman who had married a Quaker was visited by the local Parish Priest who ordered her into his car and deposited her in an institution run by nuns. This couple’s children were dispersed to other institutions. This highly competent woman wrote a pleading letter from the institution to DeValera who replied telling her to “put her faith in the clergy”. The woman died many years later in that God-forsaken institution. God-forsaken being the operative word! A member of her family told the story of this admirable woman’s treatment at the hands of the “clergy” to Vincent Browne some years ago. I will never forget it! Religion must never, ever, be allowed to take a strangle hold on Irish society again. Never, never, never!

    Reply
  • Responsibility for the appalling cruelty suffered by children in the Industrial Schools lies squarely at the door of the State and Catholic Religious Orders. It may be harder for us to face the facts of history that the Government, the Catholic Church and society as a whole were complicit in the institutional abuse of thousands of children.

    Where The Blame Lies: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QKQ2C0-KGDU

    Reply
    • Hello Andrew. How are you? I’ve taken a look at your blog: interesting.
      A lot of information too. But, what I wanted to say to you is that I was reading the posts you put here on-line.
      Much of the information is jaw dropping material?! The data you have on the subject, it is very extensive.
      Will watch the U-tube video posted above.
      But, before I do that, I wanted to ask you something. In your posts here and perhaps others do too, you mention this word state.
      And sometimes you use the word government. I’ve got questions of my own about that and I wondered if you could assist in my
      obtaining some understanding on these terms. Would you?
      I ask because these words (whatever their meaning may be) they also appear in news-reels, in sound-bytes and in the press…
      and remarkably sometimes also by individual citizens, who themselves (one could say to a reasonable degree of certainty) belong
      to the very cohort of human beings that one would normally-speaking assume to be the very individuals that these words, these
      English-language terms, refer to in the public interest and conscious. People like “government spokesperson(s)” (often cited in
      the Times and the Independent &c.) and human beings who, as individuals, have the honour to represent the public in public-office
      as ministers at the cabinet. They too use these terms “state” and “government”; they do it all of the time?

      Yet these are the individual human-beings (perhaps also Christians too) who have said their prayers before consummating
      their dial business each of the 80-or-so days that they are required to attend the tailor and see the hairdresser before being
      on-camera later that day, while at work in your houses of parléiament off Mr Molesworth St., in your capital Dublin there.
      -
      Why is that? Can you tell me? You seem to have a lot of experience being wound-up by these beings, so I will understand
      fully if you’d rather not think about them (the two terms) or them (the human individuals to which one would naturally assume,
      the terms refer).
      So: who are the state (in terms of individual responsibility) and who are the government (in terms of the actual individuals,
      on-camera, referring to someone else, as ‘the government’). What is the state of the state, and is this affected by the Head-
      of-State? And, are they referring to him? In a personal way? I’ve seen pictures of him (or Him?, I’m not sure). He reminds me
      of Galdalf the Grey. In the film he dies half-way through. Good Luck for you there are no dwarves’ or caves over there in
      Ireland, like in that film.
      -
      And one more thing: why are all those terms capitalised? Is that something from the English-language? Or, because of customs
      and traditions? Whose traditions? And, if customary, why so?
      Do you know? Be great if someone knew: anyone?
      ~):(~
      PS: is it true, that not all the communes were investigated for sexual violence by the local Roman-catholic reps. &c.
      in those places?That they’re still in the dark?
      So still: even more would-be dark dioceses yet-to-come?
      Is that correct? What could be curbing that process?
      I mean : what individuals could curb such a process? Or the starting of one?
      With all the fancy-alien Euww…! laws that have “shoved” all this stuff about Universal Declaration of Human Rights
      down all yer throats? [I'm taking this stuff from the party-political speeches in the most recent national-sideline division
      society-war, the Lisbon-conflict over there. As far as I recall, the nation went-to-war on itself twice over that national-
      distraction battle?
      So, is Mr state now saying, that children, that they are essentially unhuman; or 'anti-human'{?}, perhaps 'aHuman'{?}
      [but 'not' a human!] : is that it?
      Is that why … despite the IMF and ECB and EU(26) all begging on their bended knee, while transferring the funds to
      Mr state’s account, that ye humans over there start to consider society as all the people, and not such some of those
      (like, minus the handicapped, retarded, mentally deranged, poor, unintelligent, old, pensioner & other undesirables
      etcetera etcetera?). People like me.
      And that you do that yourselves: and not simply 2PassOn it? But instead, to do it yourselves… in place of pointing
      somewhere and uttering as a first reaction: they ought to do it? And they in-turn utter: “I have 2PassOn it to so and
      so”! Asap.
      And after anything and everything gets through about forty 2PassOn’s it eventually ends-up on the desk of either
      your 2PassOn German-Shepherd in the city of the seven sins, or it gets 2PassOn to the desk of your German Shepherdess,
      the Electress in Brandenburg one, known so (thankfully &) affectionately by some in your press as the Angel’a death?
      Either way, that Ireland is a member of anything larger than the 26 County Counts, means that all and anything that
      is attempted anywhere by anyone will enter the 2PassOn process. And whenever there is contact with the republic
      and anything outside of that place, the Law of 2PassOn applies; meaning that the time between any issue arising,
      and the moment upon which it is 2PassOn’ed out of the national borders, and thereby relieving all those associated
      with Mr state (‘associated’ by way of their being funded directly to their personal and individual bank-accounts each
      month by Mr state and his salary&pension pals) of doing anything what-so-ever.
      Is that why nothing gets done there? And whatever is done appears to be some manner of miracle? Or even a mistake?
      And either way, those persons who are friends and best pals with mr State, will always, always claim all credit?
      Even yours and your unborn children’s credit?
      -
      Do any of you remember that phrase: ‘we have a systemic failure’? & Who it was that coigne’d it? (Pardon the pun).
      Was hé ‘mr state’, when he was speaking to you all in that capacity? Or an associate of mr State, perhaps? Or, upon
      mature recollection? Was he mr state when he came with cap-in-hand to the outside world? Was me mr state at all?
      Or just another dead-Irishman? Difficult to accept that: death. Denial is usually the first reaction and it can last for years
      and years. Decades even. In some cases, a lifetime (there I go again).
      -
      All things being relative: I know ‘who is’ ms state in this kingdom, and who is being referred to when one directs their
      sentiment towards ‘ms state’. But, do Irish know who is it in theirs when they go on and on &-on, &-on about mr state?
      Or is it all just rhetoric, blame, semantics & shame?
      For the next round, yet to be fought?

      Reply
    • @ Noel The State, in my mind, would be the culture that the politicians (Government and elected representatives), the Churches (RC and CofI) swam in or tended. The Churches controlled the Education system and most of the Health system and the Government allowed them to do that and even funded them.

      The Education and Health systems included the industrial schools, Magdalene Asylums, the Mother & Baby homes and the Bethany Homes. All of these were Church owned and managed but received grants from the Governemt.

      Despite changes of Government in Ireland and, indeed Ireland went from being a British Dominion to a Republic – the State remained the same – the culture never changed.

      Part of this culture is that responsibility for high crimes (crimes by Church & Government against women and children) has never fallen on the high and mighty. Individuals lower down have paid prices but those people and organisations who conducted, condoned and covered up the crimes are actually STILL held in high regard.

      Reply
  • The catholic church was all powerful in this country and our politicans used the church and visa versa to keep the status quo. This is a vicious circle that was and to some extent still kept alive because the Catholic church still has control over the educational system in this country. It is time that people in public office are obliged to declare their membership or direct interests of organisations ,fraternities or societies that could cause a conflict of interest while in elected office. Thia should include Free masons , opens dei , knights of columbanus etc . Any activity within these type of groups for a period of at least 10years before running for office should be a matter of public record.

    Reply
  • EVERYONE knew what was going on. As a child I lived close to Goldenbridge orphanage. We were told in school that no matter how bad it was, it wasn’t anything like as bad as it was in the orphanage and that if we didn’t do as we were told, we’d end up somewhere like that.

    As the horrors of those institutions are catalogued attention will turn to lesser crimes but crimes committed on a scale that it will not be possible to talk of a “few unfortunates” tormented by a “few bad apples”. http://colummccaffery.wordpress.com/2012/09/10/clerical-sex-abuse-in-ireland-a-journalist-lifted-the-corner-of-a-carpet/

    Reply
  • I worked in Dublin in the early 80′s and was charged with recruiting staff to do manual work. I advertised and got a phone call from a nun who said she had some ‘people’ who would be suitable for the work. So next day 4 CHILDREN turned up, between the ages of 9 and 14. I sent them ‘home’, gave them a few bob and phoned the nun and said we could not legally employ children. The biatch was disgusted with me, ranting and raving and would not take no for an answer threatening me and my boss etc etc. In the end my boss told her we would have to report the case to revenue as he could not tax children. That got the greedy cnut off the phone in jig time.

    So up to the early 80′s, at least, children were being used as beasts of burdens for those hard faced wagons to fill their coffers. If lil ole me knew, then it must have been widely known in Irish society. However then as now, they sit with their eyes covered by their hands pretending they don’t know what’s going on. Why else did our parents threaten us with ‘The Birds Nest’, our local ‘home’ if they did not know what was going on?

    Anyone got the stats on how many children child refugees have disappeared from state care in the last few years?

    Reply
    • Figures obtained from the HSE show that 193 children in State care went missing up to the end of July of 2011.

      Minister for Children and Youth Affairs (Deputy Frances Fitzgerald): I presume the Deputy’s question relates to separated children seeking asylum who go missing while in the care of the state. In this regard, the Health Service Executive (HSE) has advised me that thirteen separated children seeking asylum were reported missing from care in 2010. Eight of these young people returned to care, while five young adults who are aged between 18 and 21 years are still missing. Three of the young people reported missing were from Nigeria, two each from Somalia, Afghanistan and South Africa and the others were from China, Brazil, Algeria and Albania.

      During 2011, 6 young people were reported missing, all of whom are still missing. Three are aged seventeen, one is eighteen and two are nineteen years. Two of these young people were from China, the others were from Afghanistan, Albania, Algeria and Bangladesh.

      Reply
    • thanks Andrew. Those figures are appalling.

      Reply
  • I find it farcical that people about abuse that went on in the past when the abuse of children in State “Care” today is more widespread and commonplace. For years, a small number of people said they were abused and it was hushed up and these victims were treated as conspiracy theorists.

    Future generations when they hear about the abuse taking place today will be asking you “why didn’t you do something for these children, how could you let this happen?”

    Despite all the evidence, people are burying their head in the sand and talking rubbish about “Children’s Voices being heard”, Who is denying children a voice today? yes, the same State and the same Child “Protection” Industry that hasn’t changed one iota since Ryan Report.

    Children are being placed at a greater risk of harm today by being removed from their families, placed in inadequate “Care”, sometimes at €5,000 per week. They are more likely to die, more likely to suffer mental illness, more likely to be raped, more likely to be dumped on the streets. The evidence is all there but nobody wants to do anything to help the children in “Care” We should be calling for Ryan Report Two instead of this phony referendum.

    Reply
  • A proper discussion of the matter of child abuse in Irish institutions must deal with the issue of public awareness, and I applaud Fin Dwyer for raising the matter. It’s an issue that has interested me for as long as I can remember, primarily because I grew up in a violent home and witnessed a great deal of violence in my extended family. From my point of view, institutional abuse in Ireland should be viewed as an extension of a broader culture of violence that was, in social terms, all-pervasive until quite recently.
    I grew up in a working class household on the north side of Dublin. My parents came from poor inner-city neighbourhoods but were not especially poor themselves, although their fathers were regularly drunk and often violent (not uncommon either for the time or the locale). For them, violence was a very common occurrence – they were regularly beaten at home, on the street and in school. The beatings involved thrashings with the open hand, sticks, fists, and belts (buckle-end if you’d been ‘really’ bold). They included ‘reefings’ – in which the child was yanked around the room by the hair – cursing, screaming and warnings that next time their parents would be ‘taken’ for them. These beatings were delivered by mothers and fathers, older brothers and sisters, teachers, gardai and older ‘hard shaws’ on the street. They occurred every day and were witnessed every day, although a child might not experience a beating more than two or three times a week. People could live with the ones in school, but found the beatings on the street harder to take. The beatings at home were the hardest to take because they were often the most severe and impossible to escape. In any one incident, a child might be struck about four or five times. The blows always drew tears (except in extremely rare cases) and sometimes drew blood. A beating at home might involve twenty blows and, in the worst instances, could last for up to an hour. By the end of them a child might be hysterical or ‘limp’. The abuser, whether a parent or a teacher, would be breathless, furious and promising much worse ‘next time’. If the beatings occurred in the home, they were always delivered by both parents, who’d invariably end up embroiled in a furious argument with each other afterwards.
    Every man woman and child on the street, in the neighbourhood, in the flats, in the schools, saw these things taking place. Some families were worse than others but almost all had some experience of the sort of thing I’ve just described. Policemen, priests, nuns, christian brothers, lay teachers and the adult population in general, including aunts and uncles, ‘approved’ of what was happening. By that I mean they saw what was happening and did nothing. My paternal grandfather was a violent man at home, but took huge exception to his children being disciplined by nuns, whom he called ‘a shower of frustrated bitches’. He sometimes had public rows with the nuns, which scandalised both his wife, children and neighbours. To all concerned, taking the church to task over ANYTHING was not just wrong but disgraceful.
    These run-ins with ‘authority’ left my grandfather deeply troubled – he felt deserted and shunned by every other member of his community, not for beating his wife but for taking the nuns to task for beating his children. That kind of violence was, as I said, approved of. But it was that kind of hypocrisy too – his own and everyone else’s – that led my grandfather to drink, and drink led him to further outbursts of violence at home. It was a vicious cycle.
    Violence of the type I’ve just described (in a poorly expressed and disorganised way) was a way of life for working class people in Dublin form the 30s up to the 60s. I was born in the 60s and I can testify to the continuation of that kind of violence right up until I left home at the age of 25.
    At every stage of the way, from the thirties up to the mid-eighties, everyone I knew had been subjected to violence – if they hadn’t been regularly beaten themselves, they witnessed it regularly. What did we deduce from this kind of experience? – that the priests, nuns and christian brothers were untouchable, that they were above all laws. Inside your own head you might rail against the injustice of this kind of thing, but in public you usually looked the other way. In fact, if I was to offer a definition of ‘Irishness’ at this time, I would say it was the duty one felt to look the other way. To ‘say nuttin’. To ‘mind your own business.’ To keep your own ‘thoughts to yourself.’ These were working class mantras and they were ‘bate’ into you from an early age. The beatings informed you of your place in the scheme of things – you were dirt, and dirt was all you’d ever be.
    Mr Dwyer speaks about the murder of a child in Artane in 1935. I don’t think many knew about the sexual nature of the abuse that went on there, but everyone I grew up with knew that Artane was hell on earth. After a beating we were always threatened with a stay in Artane – our abusers would have us committed, they’d say, and then we’d ‘really’ have something to whinge about. The Salthill community in Galway was typical of all communities in Ireland up until the 90s – everyone knew, because everyone’s personal safety depended on knowing. If you transgressed, there was hell to pay. You simply had to know.
    Again, I want to stress here the importance of the impression made by all this violence – it was not that you didn’t think it was wrong – it was that it didn’t matter what you thought. You were powerless, you knew that, and no one else really gave a f-ck. (By the way, one of the most humane men I ever met – Brother Murphy of Marino on Griffith Avenue, which I attended in the early 70s – was appalled by violence and only rarely struck his children, and even then only once on each hand. So this isn’t an anti-Catholic diatribe).
    I’ve provided an untidy portrait of life as I experienced it growing up in Dublin because I wanted to stress the shocking prevalence of violence at every level of Irish society. The abuse experienced by children in care was of course much worse than anything I ever experienced, and I wouldn’t compare my own experience with theirs. But I said what I said because I wanted to illustrate a point – the abuse that took place in institutions like Artane, Salthill and the Magdalene Laundries had its roots in a culture of violence that was rife throughout Ireland. And while the sexual nature of much of the abuse was rarely known, that fact exonerates no one, because every other aspect of the abuse was known. More to the point, it was emphatically approved of – people had to be taught a lesson. They couldn’t be gettin’ any ideas about big-notin’ themselves or ‘questioning the priest’. They had to know their place, and a beating informed them of that more effectively than anything else.

    My paternal family was heavily involved in the so-called liberation of Ireland in 1922. Our religious background was mixed, containing both Catholic and Protestant forebears. By the turn of the 21st century many of their forebears, acutely aware of the dreadful legacy of intra-generational violence, both on a personal and national level, reached the same conclusion: two physical force traditions – the Irish Catholic Church and the revolutionary nationalists – took charge of this state and infused every one of its institutions with an ethos of violence. The humanity of the people of Ireland meant nothing to them.
    Constitutional nationalists were anathema to these people because they (ie, we) employed moral force to bring about change. It is a historical fact that apart from a brief period during WW1, when their actions were motivated by the appalling cost of the war in Europe*, most of Ireland’s people were constitutional nationalists opposed to the methods and extremism of men like Pearse, Collins and de Valera. Dev knew this. He was acutely conscious of the difference between himself and ‘his’ people. That difference must have rankled. He and his kind had made Ireland. They then felt it necessary to use power to ‘make’ the Irish – to create a people who thought differently about the methods used to win political independence. In the end the methods used to achieve this were ‘educational’ – schools and other institutions of care became laboratories, and children became guinea pigs whom the church had free rein to enlighten and bring into line any way they wanted.

    Maybe Dev and co were brutalised by the violence of the revolutionary period (1913 – 23). If so that does not excuse what they went on to do with power once they got it. Our political leaders were implicated in every case of abuse that took place on their watch.

    Violence was prevalent throughout all levels of Irish society, and throughout every period of its recent history. It had its source in the methods used to found the state, and in the justifications deployed by the ‘founders’ of our state. A decade of commemoration lies ahead of us. We could do worse than to reassess the legacy of our so-called heroes. We need to place a stronger emphasis on the great strides we’ve recently made in undoing what was done in our name. We have lost our economic sovereignty and our country is morally bankrupt. The first republic is dead and buried. Good riddance to it and its creators. It’s time to reinvent ourselves. We can do that if we consign our violent past to history and acknowledge the terrible effect it has had on us all. If we weren’t abused, we were tacitly complicit in abuse. It was impossible to be a ‘good’ Irish citizen without being complicit.

    In future, being Irish has to mean something else.

    * 30 – 50,000 men killed in four years, many times that injured and in shock, including my own grandfather.

    Reply
  • I think its important we dont analyse this as a solely “irish” issue. In Ireland abuse predated independence and indeed was rampant across Europe and America during the 20th century. The Jimmy Saville case in England illustrates how people can be kowtowed by an abuse of power. Obviously each country has its specific issues. . More peculiar to Irelnad as opposed to other countries was the power of the Catholic church and the influence of catholic ideals through wider society.

    The problems posed by this were heightened by the fact that the early governments of the Irish free state were far more authoritarian than many imagine. This authoritarianism combined with catholic influence and power made criticism very difficult. I have written an extensive piece on authoritarism in the early Irish free state http://irishhistorypodcast.ie/2012/02/13/torture-murder-and-exclusion-irelands-first-10-years-of-independence/

    Reply
    • …we must never make peace with evil. We must never become indifferent to others or undemanding of ourselves.
      - Vasily Grossman.

      My grandfather’s brother, William Halpin (d.1951), fought in City Hall in Easter 1916. He spent a year in Frongoch and fought from Eastwall during the War of Independence as a member of the IRA. He opposed the Treaty and longed for a German invasion during WW2 – in his view it would reunite a divided Ireland.

      During the War of Independence Willy and his ‘comrades’ spent most of their time terrorising the people of Eastwall. They were well known by locals and their ‘rebel’ activities were sometimes reported to Dublin Castle. To maintain a meaningful level of ‘security’ it was imperative (according to my grandfather) that the residents of Eastwall understand what would happen to informers. With that in mind, anyone (not just informers) suspected of harboring ANY reservations about the IRA’s activities were attacked in full public view and beaten senseless. Children and adults, women and the elderly – no one was spared or exempt if they were ‘suss’.

      Throughout the three years stretching from 1919 to 1922 Willy was involved, either directly or indirectly, in hundreds of assaults on Crown Forces. During those assaults literally hundreds of civilians were killed and thousands were injured or bereaved (tens of thousands were frightened). In one such attack, Willy and his men threw home-made bombs at a passing truck carrying troops to an inner-city barracks (Newcomen Bridge, 1922). The bombs missed their target and exploded among the people walking by. Fourteen were injured, with one ten year old child by the name of Hanratty (from Moy Elta road) killed. Willy lived a few doors away from the Hanrattys and attended a mass held in memory of the boy – their only child. All of the congregants knew Willy was responsible for what had happened. Everyone feared him and his men. And every time someone was killed or injured in the neighbourhood as a result of Willy’s activities, he received the blessing – some times tacitly, some times publicly – from the local parish priests (especially the young ones). Again, everyone read the signals easily enough – regardless of what the church might SAY in opposition to terrorism, in practice the church’s representatives, on ground level so to speak, said something else entirely. They said that the lives of ordinary people meant nothing to them. Everyone felt vulnerable in respect of this attitude, and responded to it by beating the living daylights out of their children to get them to understand, precisely, where they stood in the scheme of things, and how craven (or ‘respectful’) they had to be in the presence of their ‘betters’ (the priests and the IRA). The priests took on the violent methods of the IRA, and the IRA took on the dubious moralism of the Roman Catholic Church. In some respects, one was a natural outcrop of the other.

      It doesn’t matter if violence was common in the homes of ordinary people in England and America prior to the revolutionary period in Irish history (1913 – 1923). Domestic violence was a sad fact of life for most people prior to recent times. What surprises me is your failure to understand how the existence of such violence made people susceptible to, or reconciled to, the eruption of revolutionary violence in Dublin during the most destructive war the world had seen up until that time. What matters is how that new form of violence was used, and how it was interpreted by the people on the receiving end of it. Context matters, and in the context of what took place during the founding years of this state (and in the decades afterwards), it was clear to all and sundry that the violent ruled, the violent were righteous, and the violated (or the potentially violated) had to know their place. One law existed for the Church and the state (for the priests, our ‘heroes’ and their ideological descendants), and another for the rest of us. If we were to be good, Catholic, patriotic, Irish men and women, it was incumbent on us to accept this. And most of us did. We learned to look away, to look down on ourselves, to look up to the men and women of violence – the people who could beat us with impunity, and – under certain circumstances – murder us without qualm. We learned to defer to these people, but we never really identified with them.

      The history of the Republic since 1922 has been about the slow struggle of the people of Ireland to break away from the brutal, authoritarian rule of two physical force traditions – the Irish Catholic Church and revolutionary nationalism (the State, in other words – since it was effectively monopolised by violent men and their admirers). Moral force, or constitutional nationalism, is in the process of displacing physical force, or revolutionary nationalism. Naturally, then, the culture created by one has to be ‘reformed’, or replaced, by the other. Hence our recent commitment to exposing the Church and its cohorts. Every time we expose the truth about institutional violence, every time we take the testimony of the abused into our hearts, we damn the conspiracy that was Collins, Pearse, Dev and McQuaid. We dispose of the ‘Irish’ as they were previously defined, and replace them with a far better breed of men and women. In short, we replace them with ourselves. That’s the value of real sovereignty, and only since we faced down the church and state (as both were previously configured), have we truly become a nation again – perhaps for the first time in our history. We can’t stop that process now, no matter how distressing it might become in the near future. We can’t let the coming decade of commemoration result in a rehabilitation of the forces of violence and their exonerators*. Both were guilty of depraved indifference. We – their vanquishers – are not.

      *The ‘clerks’ of men like Dev and Haughey – their sycophants, their praisers, their troop of writers, artists, administrators and cronies.

      Reply
  • De Valera Interned Children of Irish anti-Nazi Fighters – Yes it’s true I wish I was making this up but it is true. The above article is timid compared to this very dark historical fact. This State previously systematically abused children for political and religious reasons: In the instance I refer to in summary the States support for the RCC and Hitler’s anti-semitism was used to persecute the children of Irish men who joined the British army to fight against Hitler. The State considered that parents had failed in their duty towards their children by fighting against Hitler’s inhumanity. As a result it was deemed appropriate to imprison the children of such servicemen. De Valera also insured, no doubt influenced by, his close personal friend, Archbishop McQuaid, that the Catholic Church not only got the contract for running the children’s prisons but that it was also financially rewarded by the British Government for doing so . Could this happen again?

    “There was British complicity in paying for children seized by the Irish authorities while their fathers were fighting in the second world war. This has been exposed by the research of one of the former inmates, Patrick Walsh who lives in Holloway, north London, still carries in his wallet a creased photograph of himself as a child playing on the dodgems – a rare holiday treat while he was in the Industrial School. He was kept there from 1955, when he was two, until 1969.

    He discovered an extraordinary secret buried in the public record office in Kew, West London, which dates from the time of the Dublin legislation allowing children to be committed to industrial schools. The law was introduced in 1941 when Britain was nearly on its knees after Germany had overrun mainland Europe and Ireland was a neutral country. At that time some 50,000 Irish men and women had crossed the border and joined British forces fighting the Germans. In particular some 4,000 servicemen had deserted the Irish Free Army to fight on the British side. These “deserters” were regarded with particular contempt by Eamon de Valera then Taoiseach, whose administration was to pass a law in 1945 to prevent any of them getting jobs with the state for seven years. Many of the children of these “deserter” soldiers were put into care on the grounds that they had been abandoned by their fathers. The Kew documents contain correspondence between officials in Dublin and the British War Office and the Admiralty. The Irish government demanded that the family allowance that would have been paid to the Irish servicemen if their children had not been committed should be handed over to the Industrial Schools.

    Britain initially refused but the Irish were persistent, and Frederick Boland, a senior official who worked closely with De Valera, wrote increasingly trenchant letters.

    In one he couples the demand with the comment: “There is the further incidental consideration that in not a few of these cases the lack of parental control to which the committal of the children is due is attributable to the absence of the fathers with your forces.” By the end of the war Britain had capitulated and paid up. It then became clear, according to Mr Walsh, that the Irish had the servicemen’s numbers and knew who was serving with the British. Mr Walsh said: “It suggests that if Dublin could supply the roll numbers of the troops involved – rather than the other way round – there was surveillance of the families at the time. The fact that the public record office is keeping secret some other files for up to 100 years on the connection between neutral Ireland and the Nazis suggests that more will come out.”

    There is one other nasty aspect to this story: the suggestion that many, if not all, of the children may have been physically and sexually abused at the Industrial Schools.” extract from the book “Spitting On A Soldier’s Grave”,
    by Robert Widders

    Irish Minister for Justice apology 2012
    http://www.forthesakeofexample.com/Pardons%2012%20June%202012.pdf

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    • Some of the children of these soldiers, who were fighting the Nazis, were singled out in one of the institutions for ‘special treatment’ – usually extra punishments. I believe it happened in all the institutions that these poor children were consigned to.

      A normal 24 hours in the institutions went like this for the children – written by Justine McCarthy after the Ryan Report was made public – imagine what extra terrors these particular children were subjected to!:

      ” They terrorised the children. They assaulted children. They manacled them to their beds and flogged them. They starved them. They beat them with pokers and hurleys, scalded them and held their heads under running water. When the children tried to abscond, they locked them up in a small room or in the pig sty for days on end. They raped them. They gang-raped them. And throughout it all, they – and the whole world – thought they were holy men and women.

      Children were made to lie in bed at night with their arms piously crossed over their chests. When they slipped out of this position unconsciously in their sleep, they were woken up and beaten. Holy men came into the dormitories at night, sometimes two at a time, and put their private parts in the children’s hands and in their mouths. If they wet their beds, they were made to wrap the soiled sheet around them in the morning and to parade in front of everyone. They watched powerlessly as their siblings were tortured. Sometimes they were forced to participate in the abuse. If they tried to tell anyone what was going on, they were beaten. Dignitaries came to visit. The children dared hope afresh they would get the chance to tell. But the holy men and women brought the politicians and the bishops, even the President of Ireland, to the parlour and kissed their rings and intoned God’s name.

      They told the children their parents were dead when they were still alive. They told them they themselves were worthless and unlovable. They made them wear threadbare, filthy clothes. They punished girls whose clothing got stained with menstrual blood. They took children out of class to do menial work. They terminated their formal education at sixth class. They ridiculed them and humiliated them and undermined them. They shaved their heads bald.”"

      The Irish State has always been dysfunctional in its response to childcare. There’s no reason to think it has changed – certainly the report outlining the HSE’s failures over the last 15 years does not inspire confidence.

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    • Andrew I share your outrage and despair at reading the history of how some children were treated in this country. I have been banging on about these issues for over 25 years now to no avail. It saddens me to say that I concur with Judge Ann Ryan, a wondeful person, who sits in the Children’s Court, when she said recently “It is a joke listening to the children’s referendum — nothing changes, and nothing will change with the referendum, the bottom line is the same as the first day I sat in this court.”

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  • This is still going on in schools all over Ireland today. Abusive teachers affecting our children’s mental well-being. Yet other teachers turn a blind eye and heads want to brush it under the carpet. I find it amazing that virtually everyone I talk to has a story about an abusive teacher yet know one has ever mentioned looking at the way we recruit and train teachers, which must be massively flawed if my experiences are anything to go by.

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  • good article. all the more reason for a yes vote in the children’s referendum to help give children a voice. historically its obvious these children’s voices weren’t heard.

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    • Are people who still attend Roman Catholic Churches in denial too? What that said organisation did to children is unforgivable. Yes we all know that many of the people that work within the Catholic Church are good Christians, but the damage their members have done warrants a complete closure of the organisation in full.

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    • It’s a well-written piece on an Ireland that was and will never happen again. A time when our Government bent the knee to the Pope in Rome; when Ireland protected the clergy and treated them as THE elite in Irish society. And this elite conferred praise and power onto the Government.

      The terrible things that were happening in Ireland to vulnerable communities like children were not talked about. And if it did seep into the national conscience the whistle-blowers were hounded out of the country.

      Thank goodness we have a different Ireland now; an Ireland where the elite are treated equally and are subject to the same laws as everyone else; an Ireland that protects vulnerable communities – especially children; an Ireland that does not bend the knee to foreign leaders at the expense of Irish citizens.

      I better go now as Nurse is approaching with my injection!

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    • You are completely wrong. If ever there was a reason to vote No it is contained in the article.

      The reformatory and industrial schools set up of the past is so similar to what our politicians and vested interest groups want to achieve today with the referendum.

      For religious orders yesterday read Barnardos and others today – money to be gained by Barnardos from providing guardian ad litems for every child. The religious orders were constantly putting more pressure on the politicians for more inmates so that they could get more capitation money. Barnardos (in 2010 got €16 million from the state in funding) had to lay off staff this year for a while because of a shortage of funds.

      For politicians of yesterday read politicians of today. They almost never debated the issue of the industrial schools in the Dail. The Kennedy report issued in 1970 was never debated in the Dáil – Mary Robinson got it debated in the Seanad in 1973! The SAVI (Sex and Violence in Ireland) has been completely ignored by our politicians of today – it shows that i in4 women are sexually abused in their lifetime, mainly in childhood.

      Amnesty’s Insight Report into child abuse was completely ignored. Yesterday’s issues remained hidden because of a veil of secrecy with which our politicians and judiciary colluded in. Today the secrecy surrounding child abuse by the state issues is even more secret because of the in camera court system.

      For the RCC and its hierarchy and religious orders yesterday, read the legal system and its judiciary and legal professions – barristers and solicitors. Throw in an unaccountable social care system for good measure.

      As in the past there are no votes from children so the politicians pretend to care, while looking after the interests of sectional groups.

      Fin rightly concludes “As a society, Ireland needs to address this fact that many knew of the abuse of children, and ask why they did not or could not act. This will involve looking at the historic role of the Catholic Church in shaping ideas around morality and sex which made discussion of sexual abuse very difficult. Likewise we must look at the role played by the highly authoritarian and conservative governments of the state who were more concerned about the country’s image than children suffering abuse.”

      Today Irish society needs to address the fact that so many young mothers are being abused by our social services which takes their young children from them, gives €15000 to foster carers and won’t provide these young mothers with the support that they deserve when trying to bring up their children in difficult circumstances. 27% of our family units are now single parent homes – Voting Yes will be the same as when society regarded the children of poor families as the ‘destitute’ and shovelled their children into the awful industrial schools. Today they are being shovelled into the HSE and all its horrors – 200 children dying in care, 5000 children in care gone missing.

      Vote No

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    • @ Mairead Cryan Well written riposte.

      The referendum (at its mildest) is no more than a device that will allow some people to adopt some children.

      Considering the hype with which this government – and before that the election – puts on all of its actions it should not come as a surprise that they would dress up the referendum as a Children’s Rights referendum. The wording of the referendum is eerily similar to the section that allowed thousands of Irish children to be placed into slavery in the Institutions with words like “natural and imprescriptible rights” and ” the State as guardian of the common good shall, by proportionate means as provided by law, endeavour to supply the place of the parents, ”

      We were down this road before and the State turned its back on thousands upon thousands of children.

      Remember too that 800 individual abusers were identified in the Ryan Report – most of them members of just 18 Roman Catholic religious orders. No prosecutions have followed and absolutely no legal sanctions have been brought to bear on these religious orders. Indeed only last week the former President of Ireland Mary McAleese attended a knees-up for the man who founded an organisation that physicaly and sexually tortured thousands of Irish citizens. And these religious orders are refusing to pay even half of the compensation bill.

      The Murphy Report found that the Irish hierarchy covered-up and facilitated the sexual torture of children: NO PROSECUTIONS. Indeed in the year both those Reports were published (2009) 15,000 people were prosecuted for fine default or for not having a TV licence.

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    • Indeed, Andrew.
      And as we Madison Ave towards our halo-polishing referendum can of whitewash, yet again, kids are being evicted from refugee hostels and dispersed at a moments notice. Quite a few of these vulnerable kids have simply disappeared.

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    • @Damien Yeah. All the usual suspects have lined up with the Govt. to declare themselves as supporters of a ‘Yes’ vote. Even the ISPCC – who shovelled thousands of children into the Industrial schools and, it seems, were paid bounties by the Catholic Church for each child they managed to snatch. Nearly 40% of the 170,000 children snatched to be physical and sexual slaves of the religious orders were snatched by the ISPCC.

      Disappointingly even the ULA etc., have come out in support of a ‘Yes’ vote. A left-wing voice on child protection is a very rare thing in Ireland and I thought these new TDs would be more critical, more questioning on this referendum. They just declared for a ‘Yes’ and moved on.

      The Irish Labour Party recently reached its 100th. birthday. Yet in that century of years they never managed to close even one Industrial School or even a Magdalene Asylum. Seemingly they believed – as did the Catholic Church – that human, political and social rights stop at the gates of Industrial / Magdalene institutions. For today’s Ireland read: The HSE!!!

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    • I’ve worked in community childcare for 20 years and it breaks my heart seeing children being caught in the middle of a battle, everybody talking about what’s best for the child but no body listening to the children. I’ve seen lots of supports being put into place to support the child in the home/ family but for one reason or another it not working because the parents/ family not having the skills or ability needed/ the situation at home is unsafe or dangerous. The children are usually placed in stable foster homes where the environment for the children is a lot safer/ stable and the turn about in some of the children has be dramatic and for the better. What breaks my heart is the children being bounced from the foster setting to the parents and back (sometimes for years) and the turmoil this causes in the children’s lives. I strongly believe the best place for a child is with the parents but there are occasions where this in not true and the rights of the child must be paramount as long as this system are fair and transparent.

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    • The Irish Labour Party are just a pale pink shadow of lipstick on the opus dei blueshirt collar.

      They couldn’t even celebrate their centenial foundation in Clonmel, as the WUAG(Workers and Unemployed Action Group)blocked their appearance in the town in disgust at their doing such a ‘capital’ job under Eamo Gaelmore and Pet Rabbitte..(watch the downthumbs on that).

      More Scab-our than Labour.

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    • @ Mick If the constitutional definition of the family included the Grandparents, aunts, uncles, and siblings then a child wouldn’t be taken from his/her own kith and kin. Any parent that abuses a child should have their parental rights taken away.

      In the past children were placed in care for a variety of reasons – ostensibly: poverty, family circumstances, being an orphan.

      Only 5% of the children in the Institutions were orphans. Many of the incarcerated children were from ‘broken homes’. Ireland, being a Catholic state, outlawed divorce so any marriage that failed was an invite from local Catholic organisations to check up on the family. If the family was poor or without some political clout in the area their children were snatched. Poverty though was the main reason thousands of Irish children were incarcerated – the poverty of the Religious Orders that is. They received a capitation grant from the State for each child and it was nice little earner for them. One Institution was making £1,000,000 a year at it height. So the supply of children to these places was fought over with religious orders touting for children from their agents in the ISPCC, Legion of Mary and other Catholic organisations. Needless to say it was poor and working class families that were targeted – those families who would have found it impossible to challenge the taking of their children in the courts. Indeed only one father was able to go to court to challenge the State & Church over the incarceration of his children – he eventually succeeded.

      In theory that judgement should have emptied the Industrial Schools but the State and the social & political parties sat on their collective arses and turned their backs on almost 30,000 children who were left to rot in abusive institutions.

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    • @ Mairead Cryan. I do agree that social policy in this country is have a serious negative effect on those less well of in our society and this really needs to to addressed. There are lows of great one parent families out there and families that while going through difficult financial times are good parents. The tone of your comment seems to suggest the social services go in willy nilly and snatch children from families. From my 20 years experience working in the childcare sector I don’t find this the case. Interventions and supports are usually put in place to try to support the family and the last resort is to remove the child. Where possible the child is tried to be placed with extended family. I believe the best place for a child is with the parents but there are occasions where this in not the case and the rights of the child must be paramount as long as this system are fair and transparent. I’m voting yes because I’m tired of seeing children being bounced about and nobody taking their thoughts into consideration.

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    • @Andrew Brennan, Yea I do agree we have had a depressing history of supporting children/ families. And what the government are doing with the economy at present is unfair to society and having an detrimental effect on society especially the less well off but we need to learn from the past so it doesn’t happen again. The government need to realise we live in a society not an economy. I wonder how much of the horrific abuse could have been prevented if children had a voice that constitutionally had to be heard and taken into account.

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    • @ Mick Children always had a voice – they had a voice in the distant past and they have a voice today. This referendum, if passed, will not mean that these voices will be heard though. The Irish judiciary’s role in consigning thousands of Irish children to incarceration, for the crime of being from a broken or a poor home, has never been looked into with any vigour. Only one judge as far as I know refused point blank to send children into care in the institutions and he was rounded on by the Religious orders who started a whispering campaign against him – even trying to involve Brian Lenihan Snr. When Lenihan Snr. visited Artane Industrial School in the 60s a crowd of children outlined the misery they were suffering. Lenihan’s response was to tell his driver: “Get Me The F*** Outta Here”

      The interpretation of the referendum wording will be in the hands and minds of a judiciary that has never cared one jot for the well-being of children from low income homes. An explicit charter of the rights of children in the constitution would be something the judiciary would have to follow and couldn’t interfere with, but the governing elite won’t go that far. Only some rights for some children.

      Ireland: Cherishing Some of the Children Some of the Time!!

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    • @ Andrew Brennan. If children had a voice back then how was nothing done? A lot of stories I hear cited are from decades ago and should have never been allowed to happen. If children were not afraid to speak out and listened to this would not happen. the change in the referendum will strengthen the child’s voice and the rights of the child.

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    • Eric Plunkett is a retired childcare manager with the HSE, with 35 years’ experience as a social worker in Northern Ireland, Scotland and the Republic. In a very informative article in the Irish times he had this to say http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2012/0914/1224324008763.html :

      “There is no evidence that adoption provides greater stability for children who have suffered adversity. Widening the threshold for adoption may simply reduce the cost of providing for children in care while doing nothing to meet their needs”.

      An even more insightful account of what it is really like is contained in this account of what child care is really like in Ireland from a Facebook site:

      “Having trained and gained professional child care qualifications, and then having worked with children in a professional capacity for over 30 years I, like all concerned citizens, obviously want the best for children – and for this reason I will be voting ‘NO’ in the upcoming Children’s referendum.

      I have spent 16 years as a Social Care Worker working with the most vulnerable population of children in residential care. I have fostered 5 young people and have also worked with the HSE in areas of Child Protection, so feel qualified to state my concerns as outlined below. To the question “Do I have confidence in this state to provide for ‘the best interests of children”?

      No. Unfortunately I do not.” http://www.facebook.com/notes/cllr-pat-kavanagh/an-open-appeal-to-vote-no-in-the-upcoming-childrens-referendum/2462239693476

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    • I can only draw from my own first hand experience over 20 years but I’m sure I could dig up a host of articles from other childcare professionals who are for a yes vote. Oh he’s not retired he works for Fostering First Ireland- ” a non-statutory (or private business) fostering agency providing foster care services across Ireland.” If there is a yes it would be easier for long term foster families to adopt the children in their care, i wonder whose business would be effected.

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    • What my post said was that Eric Plunket was retired from the HSE, not that he had stopped working. His article becomes more important and adds to Eric’s credibility when you consider that it would be to the financial benefit of his current employer to increase the number of children taken from their parents thereby increasing the foster agency’s business. Yet Eric is suggesting caution when voting yes or no – compare this with the Barnardos stance on the referendum

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    • Mairead. if children are taken out of the limbo that is foster care and allowed stable, loving and supportive families to adopt the children in their sometimes long term care- there would be no need for foster care agencies.

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    • @ Mick You mustn’t have read any of the recent reports on child abuse (Ryan & Murphy in particular)! Children DID speak up. Children DID report abuse. But there was always – ALWAYS – a deference to authorities. Police Superintendents were handing over reports of child abuse (by clergy) to bishops in charge of the cleric. In one institution at a sodality the children felt able to report that they were being abused by clergy. The sodality was shut down.

      There are numerous contemporary documents (in Dept of Ed.) of parents complaining that their children were being abused in the institutions but the Dept. deferred to the religious orders superiors about the abuse. This led to the abused child being punished more – for speaking up.

      One govt. department (Dept. of Health) wrote a secret report on conditions in one institution after the death of a child. It kept the report secret even though it revealed that the children were living in dangerous, unhealthy conditions and that these conditions were responsible for the death of one child and the serious ill-health of 200 other children. It AGAIN deferred to the authority that was responsible for causing the death and the ill-health.

      This might be in the past to you Mick but for us survivors it is very much in the here and now. WE spoke up. WE resisted. WE fought. We didn’t participate in our own abuse. The State deferred ALWAYS to the abusers and abandoned the children.

      Most of the abuses wouldn’t have happened if the State exerted itself if it had been proactive on the side of the child. Most of the abuses could have been stopped if the children’s kith and kin were legally recognised by the constitution. Relatives of these children did try and try to gain access to their kith and kin in the institutions but the State always deferred to the religious order on whether a child could have access to their own kith and kin.

      Remember too that all these children in the institutions from the lower socio-economic strata of society and that would not have been able to afford going to court to assert their rights as parents or as blood kin.

      The referendum, if passed, will not strengthen the voice of the child – indeed it is implicit in the wording that the State’s voice will be immeasurably strengthened and, considering that the cohort of society who are going to be affected by the passing of this referendum will be from the lower socio-economic groups, the State’s power will be overwhelming … as overwhelming as it was in those far off days.

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  • I was aware of it in the 40/50s when a favourite pastime of the local Parish Priest was to firmly clutch one’s crutch and softly whisper — ‘you didn’t get that for stirring your tea with’.

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  • If “we” or “everyon” knew why was nothing done?

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  • Dear author, Mr F Dwyer,
    I’d like you to explain (in simple terms) who you mean with “we” as used in the article above?
    Do you feel sufficiently old enough to (yourself) feel part of that (claim). And, if you do, do you
    belong to the correct congregation as being referred to in the article? I determine only one.
    You mean, the Roman Catholic Church, right? Are you a member of that? Or an associate member?
    Perhaps a bored one even (member)?

    I’m asking this because the Church of Ireland (CoI) Book of Common Prayer (The Creed of St. Athanasius,
    also known as Quicumque vult) records the 13th sacrament of that congregation as professing “faith in
    the catholic church”. [?]
    The creed itself derives from various translations, and the English-version uses the language of public
    ‘worship’, speaking of the ‘worship’ of God; rather than the language of ‘a belief’ in something specific
    defined by what the other is not (i.e. to make sure to keep them out &c) : e.g. it reads:
    “Now this is the catholic faith: We worship one God”).
    And this CoI, it is a ‘Protestant’ congregation –in the Roman terminology– is that correct?

    So this is not something new either, it’s always been this way. The ’1999 Declaration’ on ‘The 39 Articles of Religion’
    (CoI) reads as follows:
    <>
    ~):(~
    So, in future, when referring to situations confined to the 90%, or whatever other hegemony one is referring
    to on your island, could it not be more specific in identifying precisely what and who are being discussed?

    I’m not making this all up either: the Merriam-Webster dictionary cites the term as:
    CATHOLIC
    1
    a) often capitalized : of, relating to, or forming the church universal
    b) often capitalized : of, relating to, or forming the ancient undivided Christian church or a church claiming historical continuity from it
    c) capitalized : Roman Catholic.

    I think that that is something important to get right?

    Near to Rome, by the way, is located in a City adjacent to the Italian capital called ‘the Vatican City’.
    When (in English) the terms ‘popish’ ‘romish’ & ‘papist’ appear, in the literature, then this is always referring to the
    Roman-Catholic church; and its spiritual and physical representative of the deity (of that religion) here on earth.
    This individual (called a pope, a pontiff &c.) is elected by his lifelong pals & colleagues.
    I mean here, his pals from the seminary, which he entered after he was a German infantry-solider during WWII,
    fighting the Allied Forces and distinguishing himself by deserting his post and running away from the enemy.
    After WWII, he joined the priesthood of the Roman-Catholic church.
    Recalling the day he was ordained alongside his brother Georg in 1951, he spoke of “the moment the elderly
    Archbishop [first] laid his hands on me”. So, when you use the term “Roman”, you are referring to that individual.
    When one uses the term catholic, they are referring to a whole lot more than that man and his chums & colleagues.

    By omitting that very important term ‘Roman’ implies references to predatory sexual violence concerning specifically
    the Roman-Catholic church as operated in the Republic of Ireland by Irish/Romano individuals, is also intended for all
    other Christian clergy that claim any connection to the ancient (undivided) Christian-church or a church claiming
    historical continuity from it in the present day, or during the 20th century?

    Is that the intention here? Or, is there an implicit intention? E.g. that, granted ordained Irish-members adherent to Roman
    beliefs were essentially vectors of “hand-me-down” generational, systematic and perpetual cycle of sexual-violence
    within their closed (i.e. Roman) communities and in their schools and other places of work (NB: the undisputed-heads of);
    ….that some attempt is drawn to state that this ‘must have’ also been the case for the those other minorities, adherent
    to the non-Roman faiths, yet Christian and (somehow) surviving in the republic of Ireland?
    (The demographic graphs for those ‘other’, non-hegemony groups (non-Roman) since the 1920s in the republic show
    dramatic fall in numbers; so ‘surviving’ –in those circumstances– is an appropriate term, I think).

    Reply
  • Fin Dwyer is a historian, blogger and archaeologist. None of which are protected titles, so any idiot can appropriate them. Any. Idiot.

    Fin, the only reason abuse went on for so long is because the evil individuals that perpetrated the abuse concealed it from others. To suggest anything else is completely disingenuous.

    I have seen better, more reasoned articles scrawled on the doors of cubicles in public toilets. An absolute disgrace.

    Reply
    • Cogent well argued point Roger. I write history quite alot, I spent several years working as an archaeologist in Dublin and I have a blog, therefore instead of calling myself a surgeon or a carpenter I have taken an unusual decision to call myself a historian, archaeologist and blogger. Whether you think I am good historian, archaeologist or blogger is entirely your own perorgative but you should actually read the article before you criticse it.

      The article discusses the issue that evidence was fairly obvious and the all too often mantra of we never knew is not true. If you would like to debate that I am more than happy to offer to debate this. Do you think people did not know?

      Reply
  • The Protestant Organizations In Ireland (Co ‘i’) Also Abuse Children In Their ‘Care’

    Reply

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