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TWO EVENTS TOOK place at either end of Europe on the same day last month which characterise competing visions of the continent’s future.
One was in Moscow, where Russian President Vladimir Putin presided over a military parade which glorified both the Soviet Union’s victory over fascism in 1945 as well as the ongoing Russian aggression against supposed “fascists” in Ukraine.
The other was a speech by French President Emmanuel Macron, in his first major address since his re-election, which marked the anniversary of the 1950 Schuman Declaration and the culmination of the Conference on the Future of Europe in Strasbourg.
These events set out two contrasting visions of Europe – one defined by conquest and one by cooperation. The struggle between these visions presents a profound challenge for the EU and an opportunity for Ireland to shape the Union’s future.
Europe today must reckon with several competing powers – as it has always done. To the east lies a reckless Russian regime intoxicated by hydrocarbon wealth and imperialist nostalgia. Meanwhile, an authoritarian China is grappling with a “Zero Covid” forever war.
Across the Atlantic, the United States is facing profound challenges to its democracy and the rule of law. President Macron’s vision of a more interventionist, protective and sovereign Europe offers a riposte to these developments.
Fifty years since Ireland voted to join the European Union and after the conclusion of the recent Conference on the Future of Europe, now is the time to ask: what kind of European Union does Ireland want?
Irish diplomatic efforts have been exemplary in securing the State’s interests during Brexit, but the critical EU debates which will determine the future shape, direction and purpose of the Union demand greater public engagement. At least four key challenges arise.
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Key challenges
Firstly, the so-called end of history, which signalled the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy following the end of the Cold War, is over. War has returned to Europe and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine raises difficult questions about European military capacities.
While the Commission on the Irish Defence Forces makes an important contribution to a debate about Ireland’s place within any European defence system, Ireland needs to decide how it fits into the broader global security architecture at this moment of heightened insecurity.
Finland and Sweden’s historic applications to join NATO and the forthcoming Danish referendum on the country’s EU defence cooperation opt-out have reconfigured the security situation in which Ireland finds itself. In a more uncertain world, Ireland may need to contribute more towards its own security if it is to credibly protect its citizens and prosperity at home, as well as promote democratic values and human rights abroad.
Secondly, as a country with an external EU border, Ireland must continue to expand its perspective beyond its own geography.
The EU needs to reimagine the future of the enlargement process and expansion of the Union to include the Balkan countries, otherwise, they will remain stuck in enlargement purgatory despite having met the technical criteria for membership. Ireland, which has benefitted enormously from EU membership, has long supported EU enlargement around the European Council table.
The EU should seek to assuage member states’ concerns or else develop alternative forms of EU participation, lest our neighbours in the Western Balkans and its hinterland grow increasingly disenchanted with Brussels and look elsewhere for political and economic support.
Thirdly, the European Single Market needs to equip itself for a more competitive world. Recent proposals to assist the Single Market to develop greater strategic autonomy, in order to protect consumers and businesses at home and to promote the EU’s values abroad, include both offensive and defensive instruments.
These aim to address questions over fractured supply chains and could lead to the possible re-shoring of production facilities to the EU, which would be a step-change for the future of European economic and trade policy. A stronger, better resourced EU would not only benefit Irish firms, investors, and citizens, it would also enhance Europe’s prosperity as well as its geopolitical heft on the world stage.
A larger common budget, financed through common debt and increased taxation will likely become a greater European priority, building on the precedent of the Next Generation EU Covid-19 recovery fund, financed through common borrowing by the European Commission.
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Greater European expenditure may demand greater European rates of taxation, which may have significant implications for the future of Ireland’s economic model and industrial policy.
Fourthly, with great power comes great responsibility and a stronger European Union with more powers will need stronger democratic controls.
Many of today’s critical policy challenges are being tackled at the European level, including in the fields of climate change, migration, digitalisation, competition, and foreign policy. Dealing with these critical policy challenges may require the transfer of more powers to the European Commission or European Parliament.
It could also mean the end of unanimity within the Council and the adoption of further qualified-majority voting as indicated by leading politicians in Italy, France and Germany, a potentially sensitive move, especially for smaller member states like Ireland who fear being outvoted.
Ireland needs to balance realism with audacity. The EU has made its most profound advancements during seemingly existential crises and remains the most successful economic and peace project in history. We must be imaginative, creative, and ambitious about what kind of Europe we want and how we can forge a Union that is a powerful global actor and a beacon for democratic values and human rights against a global autocratic turn.
If Ireland and Europe are unable to assert their values and interests on their own, they will increasingly be vulnerable to having them decided by others. We’re fifty years a-growing in Europe; let’s plant the seed for the next fifty years by putting Europe at the heart of our politics and public debate.
Alexander Conway is the EU Affairs Researcher at the Institute of International and European Affairs (IIEA), focusing on internal EU policy developments and the EU’s role in the world.
This work is co-funded by Journal Media and a grant programme from the European Parliament. Any opinions or conclusions expressed in this work are the author’s own. The European Parliament has no involvement in nor responsibility for the editorial content published by the project. For more information, see here.
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Quite far reaching for such a little country if Ireland, projecting this and that forward 50 years encompassing fears and philosophies etc, then asking the question ‘where do we want to be’ in the midst of these movers and shakers and world policy makers? Top a da table a course.
Yeah… well, grand as all that sounds, akin to eating with the bigwigs in a Michelin….if you look under the table you’ll see our shoe soles are peeling off, our suit is threadbare and we don’t have a pot to proverbial-ise in, or in others words Housing, healthcare, Childcare and whatever else we choose to ignore through our smiles across the table. The only inflation here is our bloated sense of pride.
@Keth Warsaw: It’s a sad state of affairs when the people who are supposed to be there for its citizens are now more concerned about their perception of the EU gods.
@Dave Barrett: Agreed. I could be mistaken but it seems FF/Whoever, are all of a sudden playing The New Statesman rushing around Europe and the world, acting and saying ‘terribly’ important things….fine. But while Rome at home burns? A tad pretentious.
Major stumbling block none of our excuses for political leaders have any interest in fighting our corner in Europe for fear it will impact their future political prospects within Europe. Self interest, greed and personal ambition trumps national interest for all our govt party leaders
Four BIG Challenges for Ireland right now are :– Micheal Martin , Leo Veradka ,
, Eamonn Ryan and Simon Coveney . Yes , they are the Four Challenges that we need to overcome urgently . They are destroying the Country .
Ireland has done well out of its membership of the EU. However there is still a large underclass. The economy is small and geared to multinationals. The wealth is not equally distributed. The land is not utilised as it should be. So Ireland needs to box clever. Our secret weapon is education! Put far more resources into the poorest areas and support communities to raise their children to become the skilled farmers, artisans, bakers, nurses, doctors, dentists, linguists and IT professionals of tomorrow. Get the defense forces enhanced and learn from countries which have created wealth by investing in their own human resources.
@Niall O’Reilly: dunno how I make that out .
Roads when it should have been railway lines …sold all our fishing rights why don’t u look up how much they where worth while decimation our own fishing fleets ..whole communities that had generations of families that fished put to the sword…..I’m all for free trade withi the euro
But not at any cost..look around look around what letting people into Ireland without checks .
People fleeing war are families ..granny. Grandad.. wife .. dad ..kids.. all u see is males shoved into hotels feathering the nest of rich people ..it’s not right for the economic refugees and it dose nothing for us..
@Michael Nolan: since when has education hurt people? Since when has better work opportunities diminished communities? We need economic growth now and moving forward. Opening and closing stale gates or arguments unfortunately won’t cut any biscuits.
@Niall O’Reilly: who needs econimic growth..Ireland …as far as I can see we where doing ok. . economic growth… fiscal needs… sovereign debt … these arent the words of a normal person it’s all about keeping the rich rich ..all that shower in government … grocery clerks collecting a debt from the people…frm Apocalypse now
@Niall O’Reilly: A noble ideal, alright. But one that ignores the reality. Yes, we can educate. Yes, we can modernise more. The problem is scale. To compete internationally, we need to completely move away from the traditional farms, businesses. Land, and resources, must become far more efficient. ie, less people, less diversity producing cheaper goods and services.
Of course, we could revert to the coffin ship days and forcibly transpose.
The operational procedures of the institutions of the EU are a problem for Ireland and other small members of the EU. The inconsistent reporting on EU affairs by Irish media poses a continuing problem for Irish general public perceptions of the EU and its institutions.
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