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AS THE GENERAL election nears its conclusion, it is perhaps unsurprising that Defence and National Security have not featured prominently in the various debates, in contrast to policy issues such as housing, health, the cost of living and climate change.
However, the strength and health of our small, open economy has never relied more on a well-resourced Defence and national security apparatus due to the impact of increasing geopolitical instability.
Defence underpins Ireland’s security as well as the promotion of the State’s strategic interests internationally. It is a public good and a national competence. A strong Defence Forces, as the State’s insurance policy, is vital for the continued inflow of foreign direct investment. It should therefore be of significant concern to all Irish citizens that our Defence Forces (and other elements of national resilience, such as An Garda Síochána) have never been under such strain. The familiar issue of inadequate staffing levels in Defence Forces operational units remains a pressing concern.
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The 2022 Report of the Commission on the Defence Forces, which was fully accepted by Government, found that “Ireland is an outlier in relation to defence funding.” Since then, the Defence budget has gradually increased to the current figure of €1.35 Bn, but Ireland still spends, and appears set to continue to spend, the lowest amount on Defence in the entire European Union. The Commission asserted that the provision of a credible defence, on a par with comparator countries, would require a Government policy decision to at least treble Defence spending, from 0.25% of GDP to somewhere in the region of 0.7%.
Work-life balance
All this investment is meaningless if we don’t have the people. So, how do we complement the ongoing recruitment efforts and dissuade members from leaving? Along with the ongoing and required cultural transformation agenda, a key retention initiative that is close to delivery and that can make a real difference in the retention of military personnel is the implementation of the Working Time Directive in the Defence Forces.
A failure to provide adequate rest and compensatory time off to military personnel has significantly impacted their home life and the ability of many to sustain a career. For too long, members’ time has been treated as an infinite resource, without consideration of work life balance. The fact that our organisation has never even recorded working time (in contravention of EU law), and still does not, denies access to overtime for additional hours worked which is rightly available to all other public sector employees, thereby depriving the organisation of a fundamental retention tool.
It is essential that the Directive is implemented urgently, and if it is introduced as promised by the Tánaiste before year end, it will be a game changer for morale, work life balance and retention.
Another important measure for all frontline uniformed service personnel (Defence Forces, Gardai, Fire Brigade and Prison Officers) inducted since 2013 (over 50% of all personnel and growing) is the introduction of an Occupational Supplementary Pension. There is a critical four-year window between forced retirement at 62 and eligibility for State Pension where most frontline uniformed service members will have to rely on an unviable pension, and this will drive many out early. We have attempted to raise awareness at government level and seek simple but vital improvements to Post 2013 pensions through the introduction of an Occupational Supplementary Pension. A recent joint survey of all post 2013 members of the DF, Gardai, Fire and Prison Services found that 73% believe they will have to find alternative employment before retirement age, and 92% said it would be an issue for themselves and their families when voting in this general election. If the next Government is serious about national security, then this barrier to retention must be addressed.
On a positive note, we all hope to soon see a stabilisation of the seemingly inexorable decline in personnel numbers that has blighted the DF over the past decade, with strength plummeting to below 7,500, a far cry from the bare minimum of 11,500 that the Commission recommends is needed by 2028. The most important Key Performance Indicator, and measure of whether employment policies and conditions of service are attractive and effective, is the strength of the organisation. Recent geopolitical developments mean that we have no time to waste in fully implementing the Commission recommendations and moving without delay towards LOA 3.
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We are somewhat heartened by the many commitments regarding investment and transformation of the Defence Forces from all political parties in their 2024 general election manifestos. Some parties have called for a standalone Defence Minister (95% of surveyed RACO members have told us that the Defence Forces needs a full-time Minister for Defence), others have recognised the dire need for Post 2013 pension reform, and all have committed to the full implementation of the Working Time Directive. It is crucial that these fundamental building blocks for the retention of experienced and dedicated military personnel are actioned in the next Programme for Government, after the dust settles on Election 2024.
Lt Col Conor King is an Army Officer with over 26 years service in the Defence Forces. He has been the RACO General Secretary since 01 January 2019.
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